Why NPP’s 2028 Primaries Were Tougher Than Ghana’s 2024 General Election: An Inside Analysis

In a revealing post-mortem of Ghana’s political landscape, Hassan Tampuli, a senior campaign strategist for former Vice President and NPP flagbearer Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, has made a striking assertion: the New Patriotic Party’s (NPP) internal presidential primaries to select its 2028 candidate were more arduous and unpredictable than the subsequent 2024 general election itself. This perspective, coming from a key operative within the winning campaign, offers a rare glimpse into the intense, often volatile world of intra-party contests and fundamentally challenges the conventional wisdom that national elections are always the ultimate political hurdle. This comprehensive analysis will deconstruct Tampuli’s claim, examining the unique pressures of party primaries, the specific dynamics of the NPP’s 2028 contest, and the broader implications for political campaigning in Ghana.

Key Points: The Core of Tampuli’s Argument

Hassan Tampuli’s assessment, made during an interview on Channel One TV in early February 2026, highlights several critical factors that elevated the difficulty of the NPP presidential primaries above the 2024 general election. The main takeaways are:

• Extreme Fluidity: The internal contest was characterized by rapid, unpredictable shifts in political momentum and voter sentiment across different constituencies, requiring constant adaptation.
• Resource Intensity: Campaign teams were forced to reallocate resources—personnel, funds, and messaging—on very short notice as focal points of competition moved geographically.
• No Room for Complacency: The competitive environment was so fierce that any lapse in a previously secured area could immediately be exploited by rival factions, necessitating relentless engagement.
• Persistent Reactivity: Operatives lived in a state of constant reaction, addressing new developments daily rather than following a stable, long-term strategic plan.

These points collectively paint a picture of a campaign environment more chaotic and demanding than the structured, nationwide general election, where battle lines are more clearly drawn between the two major parties.

Background: The Context of the NPP 2028 Presidential Primaries

The NPP’s Candidate Selection Process

The New Patriotic Party, one of Ghana’s two dominant political parties, constitutionally mandates an internal election to select its presidential candidate for each general election cycle. This primary is a high-stakes contest where prominent party members, typically MPs, ministers, and other influential figures, vie for the single flagbearer position. The process is governed by the party’s constitution and electoral guidelines, involving a college of delegates—usually elected party executives and MPs—who cast the binding votes. The 2028 primary was particularly significant as it followed a period of internal reflection after the party’s performance in the 2024 elections.

The 2024 General Election Benchmark

The December 2024 general election saw the NPP, led by Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia (who had been elected flagbearer in this very primary process), contest against the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and other parties. General elections in Ghana are massive, nationwide exercises focusing on national issues, economic policy, and the presidential/parliamentary ticket. Campaigning is extensive but follows a more predictable pattern, with parties deploying resources across all regions according to a unified national strategy. The opponent is a single, clear entity from another party.

The Field of Contenders in the 2028 Primaries

The primary that selected the NPP’s 2028 candidate featured a crowded and competitive field, which inherently increases complexity. The final results were:

• Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia: 110,643 votes (56.48%) – Winner
• Kennedy Agyapong: 46,554 votes (23.76%)
• Dr. Bryan Acheampong: 36,303 votes (18.53%)
• Dr. Yaw Osei Adutwum: 1,999 votes (1.02%)
• Kwabena Agyei Agyepong: 402 votes (0.21%)

The significant vote shares for the top three candidates—Bawumia, Agyapong, and Acheampong—indicated a deeply divided party electorate, necessitating intense campaigning to secure delegate support at the regional and constituency levels.

Analysis: Why an Internal Contest Can Be More Grueling Than a National Election

Tampuli’s assertion, while counterintuitive to some, is supported by political science literature on intra-party democracy and campaign management. Several interconnected factors explain why the NPP’s 2028 primary was exceptionally challenging.

1. The Nature of the Opponent: Your Own Party Colleagues

In a general election, the opposition is an external entity with a distinct ideology, record, and set of policies. Attacks are straightforward and often focus on national performance. In a primary, opponents are peers—senior party members with their own power bases, loyalists, and histories within the party. Campaigning becomes a delicate balance of promoting one’s own strengths while not permanently alienating the supporters and structures of rival candidates who may be needed for unity later. This requires nuanced messaging and often more personal, relationship-based politics, which can be more emotionally taxing and strategically complex than broad-based national critiques.

2. The Battlefield: Constituency-Level Delegate Politics

General elections are won by aggregating votes across 275 constituencies. Primaries are won by securing delegates within each constituency’s party structure. This shifts the focus to a hyper-local level. A campaign must identify, persuade, and mobilize a much smaller group of influential party activists and executives in every corner of the country. The “ground game” is not about persuading the general public but about understanding intricate local party dynamics, historical loyalties, and personal relationships. As Tampuli noted, a surge of support for a rival in one constituency could instantly require a massive redeployment of strategists and resources there, disrupting plans elsewhere.

3. The Volatility of “Fluid Dynamics”

Tampuli’s key phrase was “very fluid” dynamics. In a general election, voter preferences tend to solidify as the election day approaches, with campaigns focusing on turnout. In a primary, especially one with multiple credible contenders, delegate commitments can be soft and transactional. Endorsements from powerful regional or constituency chairpersons can swing dramatically based on last-minute negotiations, promises of appointments, or even perceived momentum from a recent rally or debate. This creates an environment where yesterday’s secure delegate might be today’s target, demanding a campaign that is perpetually in defensive and offensive mode simultaneously.

4. Resource Allocation in a Zero-Sum Intra-Party Game

Campaign resources (money, top surrogates, advertising) are finite. In a general election, they are allocated to competitive “swing” regions and demographics. In a multi-candidate primary, resources must be spread thin to compete in numerous delegate-rich areas where any candidate could pull off a surprise. The calculus is more complex: How much do you invest in a stronghold versus a battleground constituency? If you pull out of an area thinking it’s secure, a rival can sweep in and win over wavering delegates with targeted visits and promises, as Tampuli described. This leads to constant, costly recalculations.

5. The Psychological Toll of Constant Vigilance

The mental and physical demand on campaign operatives cannot be understated. The general election campaign, while long, has clearer milestones and a singular external enemy. The primary campaign is a marathon of micro-battles with no clear front. The pressure to “not take your foot off the pedal” for even a moment, to constantly monitor and react to developments in dozens of constituencies, creates a state of high alert that is more draining than the more predictable rhythm of a national election. The fear of a “space” being “stirred up again” after you’ve moved on is a constant anxiety.

Practical Advice: Lessons for Future Intra-Party Campaigns

Based on Tampuli’s experience, future NPP (and other party) primary campaigns can adopt several strategies to manage this heightened difficulty:

Build a Hyper-Responsive Intelligence Network

Relying on national polls or broad sentiment is insufficient. Campaigns need a real-time, constituency-by-constituency intelligence apparatus. This involves embedding trusted lieutenants in key regions who report daily on delegate sentiment, rival activity, and emerging issues. Technology can aid this—using secure messaging groups, shared digital dashboards, and rapid polling at the local level.

Adopt a “Dynamic Resource Reserve” Model

Instead of a static budget allocation, maintain a flexible reserve of funds, surrogates (popular party figures or MPs), and campaign materials that can be deployed at a moment’s notice to hotspots identified by the intelligence network. This requires discipline in not over-committing resources early to “safe” areas.

Develop a Modular Campaign Message

While having a core national narrative (e.g., ” continuity of development”), craft modular message components that can be quickly tailored to address local concerns, historical party grievances in a specific region, or the specific weaknesses of a local rival candidate. The central message must be adaptable without being inconsistent.

Prioritize Relationship Maintenance Over One-Way Persuasion

Given the transactional nature of delegate support, campaigns must invest in long-term relationship building with constituency executives and influential activists, not just in the final months of the primary. This means consistent engagement, listening tours, and demonstrating value to local party structures throughout the political cycle.

Plan for a “Two-Front” War

Strategists must mentally and logistically prepare to fight on two fronts: offensive (convincing new delegates) and defensive (protecting existing commitments). This means security for visiting teams in volatile areas, rapid response teams to counter rival narratives in real-time, and contingency plans for if a key constituency is lost.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ)

Q1: Is it common for party primaries to be more difficult than general elections?

A: While not a universal rule, political scientists note that intra-party contests often feature unique intensities. The competition is among peers with similar resources and access, the electorate (delegates) is smaller and more knowledgeable, and the stakes are existential for the individual candidates’ careers. The “fratricidal” nature can make them more personal, bitter, and resource-draining per vote gained than a general election against an external opponent.

Q2: Does this mean the NPP is a deeply divided party?

A: The existence of a competitive primary with three strong candidates (Bawumia, Agyapong, Acheampong) earning over 18% each suggests a party with significant internal factions and diverse viewpoints, which is healthy for democracy but challenging for campaign management. A primary with one dominant candidate is usually less volatile. The post-primary unity process is therefore crucial for the party’s general election prospects.

Q3: How do these primary challenges impact the party’s performance in the actual general election?

A: A bruising primary can leave lasting scars—financial depletion, lingering resentment among supporters of losing candidates, and exposed internal weaknesses that the opposition can exploit. However, a hard-fought primary can also sharpen the eventual nominee’s campaign skills, test their message, and energize the party base if unity is quickly achieved. The NPP’s 2024 performance would be the ultimate test of how well it managed this transition.

Q4: Are the rules for NPP primaries designed to prevent such volatility?

A: The NPP uses an electoral college of delegates system. Some parties use direct primaries (open to all registered voters in an area) or weighted systems. The delegate system is intended to ensure the candidate chosen is the one most supported by the committed party base, but it can intensify competition for local party executive positions, which are often the delegate pool, creating a layer of sub-contests that add to the complexity.

Q5: Could the NPP change its primary system based on this experience?

A: It’s possible. Post-election reviews often examine the primary process. Changes could include altering the delegate selection method, introducing regional zoning to manage regional ambitions, or setting spending limits to reduce the resource strain. However, fundamental changes