TI-Ghana Condemns Vote-Buying in Ayawaso East NDC Primary: A Threat to Democratic Integrity

On February 9, 2026, Transparency International Ghana (TI-Ghana) issued a strong condemnation of reported vote-buying and inducement activities during the National Democratic Congress (NDC) parliamentary primaries in the Ayawaso East constituency. The anti-corruption organization’s statement highlights a persistent and alarming trend that strikes at the heart of Ghana’s democratic processes. This incident, involving the alleged distribution of high-value items such as television sets, is not an isolated event but part of a broader pattern of electoral malpractice that threatens public trust, violates legal statutes, and normalizes corrosive political behavior. This article provides a comprehensive, SEO-optimized analysis of the situation, exploring its background, legal and democratic implications, and offering practical advice for citizens and institutions committed to preserving electoral integrity in Ghana.

Key Points: The Core of TI-Ghana’s Condemnation

TI-Ghana’s press release, responding to the Ayawaso East NDC primary, crystallizes several critical concerns for Ghana’s body politic. The main takeaways are:

• Clear Legal Violation: The organization explicitly states that the distribution of valuable items to influence voters constitutes bribery, treating, and undue influence under Part V of the Representation of the People Act, 1992 (PNDCL 284). This is not merely unethical but a prosecutable criminal offence.
• Pattern of Escalation: TI-Ghana frames this as part of a “worrying trend of increasing frequency and brazenness” in vote-buying, noting similar concerns emerged during the New Patriotic Party (NPP) presidential primaries. This suggests a systemic issue transcending party lines.
• Threat to Democratic Foundations: Such practices fundamentally undermine the principles of free, fair, and transparent elections. They distort representation, as candidates with greater financial resources may buy their way to nominations, rather than winning on policy or popular support.
• Normalization of Corruption: The organization expresses deep concern over the public and political defense of these acts, which reframes bribery as acceptable “political gifting.” This cultural shift erodes civic responsibility and weakens societal resistance to electoral corruption.
• Call for Institutional Action: TI-Ghana applauds specific actions: President John Dramani Mahama’s recall of Ghana’s High Commissioner to Nigeria (for alleged involvement), the NDC’s official condemnation, and the Majority Caucus’s call for the annulment of the primary and sanctions (including bans) against culpable candidates.
• Demand for Prosecutorial and Judicial Resolve: The statement urges the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) to receive adequate support for investigation and prosecution, and calls on the courts to adjudicate related cases expeditiously and impartially.
• Citizen Empowerment: Voters are urged to prioritize national interest, reject inducements, and provide credible evidence to authorities, positioning them as frontline defenders of electoral integrity.

Background: Ghana’s Electoral System and the specter of Vote-Buying

To understand the gravity of TI-Ghana’s statement, one must contextualize it within Ghana’s celebrated yet challenged democratic landscape.

Ghana’s Democratic Framework

Ghana is often hailed as a beacon of democracy in West Africa, with a history of peaceful transfers of power since 1992. Its electoral system is administered by the independent Electoral Commission of Ghana (EC), and elections are generally well-organized. The legal backbone for elections is the 1992 Constitution and the Representation of the People Act (PNDCL 284). Political parties, primarily the NDC and NPP, compete in both national elections and internal primaries to select candidates. These primaries are crucial, as they determine who will represent the parties in constituencies nationwide, directly influencing the composition of Parliament.

The Persistent Challenge of Money Politics

Despite this robust framework, political party financing and electoral corruption have been persistent challenges. Vote-buying—the direct offering of money, goods, or services to voters in exchange for their ballot—is a form of clientelism that subverts policy-based competition. In Ghana, this often manifests as the distribution of consumer goods (TVs, sewing machines, food items), cash handouts, or promises of jobs and development projects. The Ayawaso East incident, involving “high-value pieces,” represents an escalation in the scale of inducements.

The phenomenon is not new. The Coalition of Domestic Election Observers (CODEO) and other civil society organizations have consistently reported on the prevalence of vote-buying and “skirt-and-blouse” voting (voting for a presidential candidate from one party and a parliamentary candidate from another) often influenced by pecuniary incentives. The brazenness noted by TI-Ghana points to a dangerous normalization where perpetrators believe they can act with impunity.

The Ayawaso East NDC Primary Incident

While specific details may evolve, the core allegation is that during the NDC’s parliamentary primary selection in Ayawaso East, candidates or their agents distributed expensive items to delegates (the voters in the primary). Furthermore, some political actors publicly defended these actions as legitimate “goodwill gestures” or “appreciation” for delegates. This public defense is what TI-Ghana identifies as a particularly “troubling signal,” as it attempts to legitimize corruption within the internal democracy of a major political party.

Analysis: Deconstructing the Threat to Democratic Integrity

TI-Ghana’s condemnation is rooted in a multi-faceted analysis of how vote-buying corrodes Ghana’s democracy. The threat operates on legal, institutional, political, and socio-cultural levels.

1. The Legal Infraction: Bribery, Treating, and Undue Influence

The Representation of the People Act, 1992 (PNDCL 284) is unequivocal. Part V deals with electoral offences. Key provisions include:

• Bribery (Section 32): It is an offence for a person to give, offer, or promise any money, gift, or other valuable consideration to any voter or person to induce them to vote or refrain from voting, or to corruptly influence their vote.
• Treating (Section 33): It is an offence to give or provide any food, drink, or entertainment (other than at a public meeting) as a means to influence a person’s vote.
• Undue Influence (Section 34): This covers any act that interferes with the free exercise of a voter’s franchise, including threats or intimidation, but the spirit of the law encompasses any corrupt practice that compromises a voter’s independent judgment.

The distribution of televisions clearly falls under “other valuable consideration” for bribery. The legal implications are severe: both the giver (the candidate/agent) and the receiver (the delegate/voter) are liable to prosecution. A conviction can result in fines, imprisonment, and, crucially, the nullification of the election result (in this case, the primary outcome). TI-Ghana’s reminder of this law is a direct call for enforcement.

2. The Erosion of Internal Party Democracy

Political party primaries are the first major test of a party’s internal democratic health. When candidates can buy delegate support:

• Merit is replaced by money: Candidates with access to illicit or excessive funds gain an unfair advantage over those with stronger grassroots support, better policies, or cleaner records.
• Delegates become commodities: Their role as selectors of the party’s standard-bearer is reduced to transactional exchanges, devaluing their political agency and civic duty.
• Party platforms are undermined: A candidate who “buys” their nomination may feel accountable to their financiers, not to the party’s ideology or the public interest. This leads to a legislature populated by individuals whose primary loyalty is to personal or financial backers.

3. The Normalization of Corruption and the “Gifting” Fallacy

One of the most insidious aspects highlighted by TI-Ghana is the public reframing of bribery as “political gifting” or “appreciation.” This cultural narrative is dangerous because:

• It lowers the societal stigma associated with electoral corruption, making it more socially acceptable.
• It confuses legitimate campaign activities (like providing transport to a rally) with corrupt inducements. There is a clear line: a gift given with the explicit or implicit understanding of a specific vote is bribery.
• It creates a cycle where voters come to expect gifts, and candidates feel compelled to provide them to be competitive, locking politics in a race to the bottom.

4. Institutional Weaknesses and the Need for Enforcement

The recurrence of these incidents points to gaps in enforcement. While the EC has a mandate to oversee party primaries to ensure they are “fair and transparent,” its powers to investigate and sanction internal party electoral malpractices are limited compared to its role in national elections. The Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP), established to investigate and prosecute corruption cases involving public officers and politically exposed persons, has a crucial role. However, its resources and focus are often stretched. TI-Ghana’s call for the OSP to receive “institutional support” is a plea for the political will and resources needed to pursue these cases, which often involve powerful political figures.

5. The Ripple Effect on National Elections

Corrosive practices in party primaries do not stay confined to them. They set a precedent and establish a modus operandi. A candidate who buys their way through a primary is more likely to employ similar tactics in the general election. Furthermore, when voters become accustomed to receiving gifts for their vote in primaries, the expectation extends to national polls. Thus, primary vote-buying is a canary in the coal mine for the health of the entire electoral cycle.

Practical Advice: Safeguarding the Vote

Combating entrenched vote-buying requires coordinated action from multiple stakeholders. Based on TI-Ghana’s recommendations and best practices in election integrity, here is actionable guidance:

For the Ghanaian Voter and Citizen:

• Reject Inducements: Understand that accepting money or gifts for your vote is illegal (under PNDCL 284) and a betrayal of your civic duty. Your vote is your power to demand accountability; selling it forfeits that power.
• Report Confidentially: If you witness vote-buying, document details (time, location, individuals involved, description of items/money) and report it to the Electoral Commission, the Special Prosecutor’s Office, or a trusted civil society organization like CODEO or TI-Ghana. Use official hotlines if available.
• Demand Accountability: Hold your party and candidates accountable in your constituency. Ask questions at meetings: “What is your position on internal party corruption?” “How will you fund your campaign without resorting to illicit practices?”
• Prioritize Policy over Patronage: Actively seek information on candidates’ manifestos, track records, and competence. Base your decision on who can best serve the nation’s development, not who gives the most expensive gift.

For Political Parties (NDC, NPP, and others):

• Establish and Enforce Robust Internal Codes of Conduct: Parties must have clear, strict rules against inducements during primaries, with pre-defined, severe sanctions (disqualification, banning from future primaries) for violators. These rules must be communicated to all aspirants and delegates.
• Strengthen Delegate Selection: Move towards more transparent and broad-based delegate selection systems that are less susceptible to monetary influence by a small number of individuals.
• Train Delegates and Aspirants: Conduct mandatory civic education for delegates on their rights and responsibilities, emphasizing that their vote is not for sale. Similarly, train aspirants on the electoral laws of Ghana and ethical campaigning.
• Self-Policing Mechanisms: Create internal committees with the power to monitor primaries, receive complaints, and recommend sanctions swiftly, before the issue escalates to public condemnation or legal action.

For State Institutions (EC, OSP, Judiciary):

• Electoral Commission (EC): Enhance monitoring of party primaries. While the EC’s primary mandate is for public elections, it can issue strong public statements condemning malpractice in primaries and provide technical support to parties seeking to improve their internal processes. It can also refer credible evidence of criminal offences (like vote-buying) to the OSP.
• Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP):