NAWOJ Pushes for Special Seats Bill in Adamawa: A Critical Analysis

The Nigeria Association of Women Journalists (NAWOJ), Adamawa State Chapter, has intensified its advocacy for the swift passage of the long-pending Special Seats Bill. This legislative proposal seeks to amend the Nigerian Constitution to create additional dedicated seats for women in federal and state legislatures. NAWOJ’s rally in Yola underscores a growing, data-driven demand to rectify systemic gender exclusion in Nigeria’s political architecture, framing it not as a women’s issue but as a fundamental governance crisis.

Introduction: The Urgent Call for Legislative Gender Parity

On February 23, 2026, members of the Adamawa State Chapter of the Nigeria Association of Women Journalists (NAWOJ) held a pivotal rally at the NUJ Press Centre in Yola. Their singular message was clear and urgent: the National Assembly must immediately pass the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) Bill, 2023, commonly known as the Special Seats Bill. This bill proposes a constitutional amendment to reserve a specific percentage of legislative seats for women, a mechanism designed to achieve meaningful and accelerated women’s political participation in Nigeria.

The advocacy is rooted in stark statistics that highlight Nigeria’s profound failure to harness the talents of half its population. With women constituting nearly 50% of the nation’s populace but a minuscule fraction of its lawmakers, NAWOJ argues that this disparity cripples democratic legitimacy, distorts policy priorities, and hampers socioeconomic development. The Adamawa chapter’s action is a localized echo of a national movement, pressing state-level lawmakers to align with this push for constitutional reform.

Key Points: The Core Demands and Evidence

NAWOJ’s position is built on several irrefutable data points and logical arguments:

• Crisis of Representation: In the 10th National Assembly (2023-2027), only 21 out of 469 combined members of the Senate and House of Representatives are women—a mere 4.2%. The Senate has 4 women (3.7% of 109 seats), and the House has 17 women (4.7% of 360 seats).
• State-Level Failure: The situation is worse at the sub-national level. Only one woman serves in Adamawa State’s 25-member House of Assembly. Nationally, 13 of Nigeria’s 36 states have no female state legislators whatsoever.
• Adamawa’s Disparity: Adamawa’s federal delegation is entirely male, with three male Senators and eight male House of Representatives members, reflecting a national trend of exclusion.
• Governance Impact: The marginalization of women is framed as a governance crisis that affects policy formulation, democratic depth, and national revenue generation.
• Sector-Specific Benefits: Advocates argue that increased female representation would directly improve outcomes in critical sectors like maternal and child healthcare and economic empowerment.
• Call to Action: NAWOJ specifically urges Adamawa’s federal legislators and the State House of Assembly to actively support and ratify the Special Seats Bill.

Background: Understanding the Special Seats Bill

What Is the Proposed Legislation?

The Special Seats Bill is a constitutional alteration bill first introduced in the 9th National Assembly and re-introduced in the 10th. Its primary objective is to create a framework for gender quota legislation in Nigeria. Specifically, it proposes to amend Sections 47 and 48 of the 1999 Constitution (which establish the Senate and House of Representatives) and corresponding state provisions to reserve an additional 35% of all legislative seats for women. This would mean that in a 360-seat House, for instance, an extra 126 seats would be designated for women, elected from single-member districts across the country.

Historical Context and Previous Attempts

Nigeria has a history of failed attempts to implement affirmative action for women in politics. The National Gender Policy recommends 35% representation, but this remains aspirational. Previous bills, including the Gender Equality Bill and earlier versions of the Special Seats Bill, have stalled in the legislature, often facing arguments about “merit” and “electability.” The current bill represents a more specific, constitutionally anchored approach compared to earlier proposals that focused on party-level quotas.

Global and Regional Benchmarks

Nigeria’s 4.2% female legislative representation is dramatically below global and African averages. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), as of 2023, the global average of women in national parliaments was 26.7%. Rwanda leads the world with over 60% women in its lower house, achieved through a constitutionally mandated 30% reserved seats system. Neighbors like Senegal (44%) and South Africa (46%) also significantly outperform Nigeria, demonstrating that legislated gender quotas are a proven, effective tool for rapid parity.

Analysis: The Multifaceted Implications of Gender Exclusion

The Governance Crisis Argument

NAWOJ’s framing is pivotal: this is not merely a “women’s rights” issue but a democratic deficit. A government that does not reflect the demographic composition of its people lacks full legitimacy. The exclusion of women means the absence of diverse lived experiences—experiences related to healthcare, education, childcare, security, and economic survival—from legislative debates. This leads to gender-blind policies that fail to address the needs of over half the population, perpetuating cycles of poverty and inequality.

Sectoral Impact: Healthcare and Economy

The testimonies from supporting women leaders in Adamawa highlight concrete policy gaps. Habiba Bakari of the Medical Women Association links female representation to reducing maternal and child mortality. Globally, studies show that increased women’s legislative presence correlates with higher public health spending, improved maternal health outcomes, and stronger legislation on issues like gender-based violence. Rebecca Kwabe of the National Council of Women Societies ties representation to economic empowerment, arguing that women in decision-making roles are more likely to champion policies for female entrepreneurship, access to finance, and workplace equality—key drivers for boosting national revenue.

Constitutional and Legal Pathway

The bill’s path is constitutionally rigorous. To amend the Nigerian Constitution, it must be passed by a two-thirds majority in both the Senate and the House of Representatives. Following this, it must be ratified by at least two-thirds (24) of the 36 State Houses of Assembly. This high threshold explains the bill’s protracted journey. Advocates argue that the legal implications of inaction are severe, as Nigeria risks violating its own constitutional provisions on equality (Section 42) and its international obligations under conventions like CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women), which Nigeria has ratified.

Counterarguments and Rebuttals

Opposition typically centers on three points: 1) Meritocracy: That seats should be earned, not reserved. Proponents counter that the current “merit-based” system is itself biased, operating within a framework of structural barriers—cost of elections, violence, cultural norms—that systematically disadvantage women. Quotas level the playing field. 2) Reverse Discrimination: That it unfairly disadvantages men. The rebuttal is that the bill does not remove any existing seats; it adds new ones, expanding the legislature temporarily. 3) Tokenism: That reserved seats create second-class legislators. The experience of Rwanda and other quota systems shows that women in reserved seats often become powerful advocates, build political capital, and transition to win open seats, creating a sustainable pipeline.

Practical Advice: How to Support the Special Seats Bill

For citizens, civil society organizations (CSOs), and media professionals seeking to advance this cause, actionable steps include:

• Targeted Advocacy: Identify and engage your specific Senators and House of Representatives members from your constituency. Demand a public commitment to the bill. Use the NAWOJ rally as a template for localized pressure.
• Coalition Building: Strengthen alliances between women’s groups (NAWOJ, NCWS, FOMWAN, Medical Women Association), youth groups, professional bodies, and sympathetic male legislators. A united front is more powerful.
• Data-Driven Messaging: Continuously disseminate the stark statistics on representation and their link to policy failures in health, education, and economy. Frame the issue in terms of national development and good governance, not just rights.
• Media Engagement: Use traditional and social media to keep the bill in the public discourse. Share stories of successful female leaders from other countries and the tangible benefits of their participation.
• Monitor Legislative Progress: Track the bill’s status in the National Assembly (Bill number: SB. 679/ HB. 1069 in the 10th Assembly). Publicly commend supportive lawmakers and hold opponents accountable during election cycles.
• Legal Awareness: Educate the public on the constitutional amendment process to manage expectations and build understanding for the time and coalition required.

FAQ: Common Questions About the Special Seats Bill

What exactly does the “Special Seats Bill” propose?

It proposes a constitutional amendment to reserve an additional 35% of all seats in the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly for women. These seats would be elected from specially delimited constituencies across the country, in addition to the existing seats, thereby expanding the total number of legislators.

How would this differ from simply encouraging more women to run?

While encouraging candidacy is vital, it has failed to yield significant results in Nigeria over two decades due to systemic barriers (funding, violence, cultural bias). The Special Seats Bill creates an immediate, guaranteed pathway to representation, ensuring women’s voices are in the room to shape laws from the outset, which then creates a pipeline for future competitive elections.

Is this constitutional? Wouldn’t it require a referendum?

Yes, it is constitutional. The Nigerian Constitution (Section 9) provides for amendment by the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly. A public referendum is not required for this type of amendment. The bill follows the prescribed legislative route for constitutional alteration.

How long would these “special seats” last? Is it permanent?

The bill does not specify a sunset clause. The intent is for the quota to be a permanent feature of the constitutional framework, similar to the systems in Rwanda and Argentina, ensuring sustained representation until such a time when gender parity is achieved through open elections without the need for a quota.

What is the current status of the bill?

The bill has been reintroduced in the 10th National Assembly (2023-2027) and is currently undergoing the legislative process. It has passed first reading in both chambers but faces significant hurdles in securing the required two-thirds majority for passage and subsequent state ratification. Advocacy efforts like NAWOJ’s are crucial to move it forward.

Conclusion: A Democratic Imperative

The rally by NAWOJ Adamawa is far more than symbolic news; it is a clarion call for Nigeria to confront its democratic shortcomings head-on. The statistics on women’s representation in Nigerian politics are a national embarrassment and a direct impediment to inclusive development. The Special Seats Bill offers a concrete, constitutionally sound, and internationally validated mechanism to correct this historic imbalance. Its passage would signal that Nigeria is serious about building a government that truly represents all its people. The onus now lies on the National Assembly, state legislatures like Adamawa’s, and the citizenry to translate advocacy into action. The soul of Nigeria’s democracy, as NAWOJ rightly asserts, depends on it.