Ghana’s Speaker Criticizes NDC, NPP for Lack of Female Candidates in Ayawaso East By-Election

Introduction: A Stark Absence in a Crucial Contest

The upcoming Ayawaso East Constituency by-election in Ghana has ignited a significant national conversation about political representation and gender inclusion. At the heart of this discourse is a stern critique from a highest constitutional authority: Speaker of Parliament, Alban Bagbin. He has publicly faulted Ghana’s two dominant political parties, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP), for their collective failure to present a female candidate for this pivotal electoral contest. This incident transcends a single by-election; it serves as a glaring symptom of persistent systemic barriers that prevent women from fully participating in Ghana’s political landscape. This article provides a detailed, SEO-optimized analysis of the Speaker’s statements, the broader context of women in Ghanaian politics, the structural challenges within political parties, and the practical steps needed to foster genuine gender parity in legislative representation.

Key Points: The Core of the Speaker’s Argument

• Direct Criticism: Speaker Alban Bagbin explicitly stated that both the NDC and NPP disappointed him by failing to field a woman candidate for the Ayawaso East by-election.
• Symbolic Importance: He emphasized that his personal support would have been guaranteed for any party that nominated a woman, underscoring the high-level recognition of the need for more women in Parliament.
• Party as “School of Leadership”: The Speaker argued that political parties must function not just as electoral vehicles but as primary training grounds for leadership and national policy innovation, a role they are failing for women.
• Call for a Third Force: He linked this gender gap to a broader concern about the political duopoly, suggesting a strong third political force is needed to break the status quo and foster more inclusive practices.
• Historical Contrast: Bagbin contrasted the current limited political diversity with the more dynamic, integrative party congresses of the 1990s during the foundational years of the Fourth Republic.
• Democratic Imperative: He framed increased female representation and political diversity as essential for deepening democracy, building resilience, and ensuring a government that truly represents all Ghanaians.

Background: The Ayawaso East By-Election and Ghana’s Gender Parity Struggle

The Vacancy and Its Significance

The Ayawaso East Constituency in the Greater Accra Region became vacant following the death of its Member of Parliament, the late Hon. Yusif A. B. Jajah, in late 2025. By-elections are critical as they often serve as referendums on the sitting government’s performance and a testing ground for party strategies ahead of general elections. The constituency itself is demographically significant, representing a vibrant urban electorate. The complete absence of a female candidate from the major parties in this contest immediately drew scrutiny from gender advocates and political analysts.

Ghana’s Constitutional and Policy Framework on Women’s Representation

Ghana’s 1992 Constitution guarantees equality and prohibits discrimination. However, it does not include a legislative gender quota for parliamentary seats. Successive governments have adopted policies like the National Gender Policy and the Domestic Violence Act to promote women’s rights. Despite these frameworks, Ghana consistently ranks low in global indices for women’s political participation. As of the 8th Parliament (2021-2025), women constitute only 14.5% of MPs (40 out of 275 seats), far below the 30% critical mass benchmark often cited by the United Nations for effective influence.

The NDC-NPP Duopoly: A Persistent Challenge

Since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1993, Ghana’s political scene has been dominated by the NDC and NPP. This duopoly controls virtually all legislative and executive power. While this has provided stability, critics argue it has also led to entrenched systems, patronage networks, and internal party structures that inadvertently or intentionally marginalize women, youth, and other groups. Candidate selection processes at the grassroots level (delegates conferences) are frequently cited as environments where financial barriers, cultural biases, and intra-party male dominance disadvantage female aspirants.

Analysis: Deconstructing the “Disappointment”

Why Did the Major Parties Field Only Men?

Several interconnected factors explain the absence of female candidates, aligning with the Speaker’s implicit critique:

1. Financial Barriers: Campaigning in Ghanaian elections is notoriously expensive. The cost of nomination forms, delegates’ “logistics,” and extensive campaigning creates a high entry barrier. Women, often with less access to personal wealth and party funding networks, are disproportionately affected.
2. Patriarchal Party Structures: The internal governance of both major parties lacks robust, enforced mechanisms for gender equality in candidate nominations. While they have women’s wings, these often have limited influence over the final candidate selection at the constituency level.
3. Cultural and Social Norms: Deep-seated stereotypes about women’s leadership capabilities, their roles in the family, and their perceived “electability” in certain constituencies (like urban Ayawaso East) influence both party elites and delegates.
4. Short-Term Electoral Calculus: Parties may perceive male candidates—often with established name recognition, financial muscle, or traditional authority—as safer bets for winning a closely watched by-election, sacrificing long-term diversity for short-term gain.
5. Lack of Enforcement: There is no legal or constitutional mandate requiring parties to field a certain percentage of women. Voluntary party quotas are often ignored or manipulated without consequence.

The Speaker’s “Third Force” Proposition: A Viable Path?

Speaker Bagbin’s suggestion of a “third political force” is a direct response to the perceived stagnation of the duopoly. A viable third party, built on a platform of inclusive governance, internal democracy, and gender parity, could:

• Break the cycle of complacency in the NDC and NPP regarding women’s inclusion.
• Attract disaffected voters, particularly youth and women, who feel unrepresented.
• Introduce competitive pressure that forces the major parties to reform their candidate selection processes to remain relevant.
• However, building a nationally competitive third party in Ghana’s first-past-the-post system is an immense historical challenge, requiring massive resources, organizational depth, and a unifying ideology beyond mere opposition to the duopoly.

Comparative Perspective: Lessons from Africa

Ghana’s performance lags behind several African peers. Countries like Rwanda (61% women in parliament), Senegal (46%), and South Africa (46%) have achieved high representation through a combination of legally binding gender quotas (Rwanda’s constitution reserves 30% of seats for women), voluntary party quotas with strong enforcement, and strong women’s movements. The key lesson is that without legal or constitutionally mandated mechanisms, progress is slow and reversible. Ghana’s reliance on voluntary measures has proven insufficient.

Practical Advice: Pathways to Greater Female Political Participation

Moving beyond critique to actionable solutions requires concerted effort from multiple stakeholders:

For Political Parties (NDC, NPP, and Others):

• Adopt and Enforce Internal Gender Quotas: Implement a 30-50% quota for women in candidate nominations at all levels, with “zip-per” or “twinning” systems that require a woman to be nominated in winnable seats. This must be backed by a binding party constitution.
• Reduce Financial Barriers: Create dedicated funds for women aspirants, subsidize nomination fees, and provide in-kind support like logistics and media access.
• Leadership Training: Establish formal, ongoing leadership academies for women within party structures, focusing on campaign management, public speaking, and policy development.
• Mentorship Networks: Connect aspiring female candidates with experienced female and male politicians who can guide them through the complexities of the political system.
• Combat Violence and Harassment: Develop and enforce clear policies against gender-based violence and harassment within party activities, ensuring safe participation spaces.

For the State and Electoral Commission:

• Legislative Reform: Parliament should debate and pass a Gender Equality Bill that introduces a legislative quota for parliamentary candidates, as recommended by the 1992 Constitution’s Article 17 on equality.
• Public Funding Conditions: Tie state funding of political parties to their compliance with gender parity in candidate nominations.
• Civic Education: Intensify voter education campaigns that challenge stereotypes about women’s leadership and highlight the benefits of diverse representation.
• Support for Care Infrastructure: Invest in affordable childcare and eldercare services to reduce the domestic burden on female politicians, a practical barrier often overlooked.

For Civil Society and Women’s Groups:

• Strategic Litigation: Support legal challenges that argue the state’s failure to ensure women’s meaningful participation violates constitutional guarantees of equality and democratic representation.
• Watchdog Role: Publicly scorecard parties on their gender inclusion records during primaries and elections, using media and advocacy to exert pressure.
• Build Coalitions: Forge broad-based alliances across sectors (trade unions, faith-based organizations, professional bodies) to advocate for systemic change, not just individual candidacies.
• Empower at the Grassroots: Invest in leadership programs for women at the district and community levels, creating a pipeline of future aspirants.

FAQ: Addressing Common Questions

Q1: Is the Speaker’s criticism politically motivated, given his own history with the NDC?

A: While Speaker Bagbin is a founding member of the NDC, his position as Speaker of Parliament is a non-partisan constitutional office. His criticism is framed around his role as a guardian of democratic institutions and values, not party politics. He has previously advocated for parliamentary reforms and inclusive governance, making this stance consistent with his public record. The factual basis—the absence of a female candidate—is verifiable and independent of his personal affiliation.

Q2: Does the constitution allow for enforced gender quotas?

A: This is a subject of legal debate. Article 17 of the 1992 Constitution guarantees equality and prohibits discrimination on grounds including gender. Proponents argue that temporary special measures (like quotas) to achieve substantive equality are permitted and even required under this article and international conventions Ghana has ratified (CEDAW). Opponents argue it could conflict with the principle of equal opportunity. The Supreme Court has not definitively ruled on mandatory legislative quotas for political parties, leaving the door open for such legislation if carefully crafted.

Q3: Are there any examples of successful female candidates in Ghana?

A: Yes, numerous women have succeeded, often overcoming immense odds. Examples include Joyce Bamford-Addo (first female Speaker of Parliament), Georgina Theodora Wood (first female Chief Justice), and many current and past MPs like Mavis Hawa Koomson and Sarah Adwoa Sarfo. Their success demonstrates that women can win when provided with party support and resources. The issue is the systemic barriers preventing a critical mass from emerging.

Q4: What are the real-world impacts of having more women in Parliament?

A: Research globally and in Ghana suggests that increased female representation correlates with greater legislative attention to issues like healthcare, education, gender-based violence, childcare, and social welfare. Women MPs often form cross-party caucuses (like the Ghana Parliamentary Women’s Caucus) that drive consensus on national issues. Their presence also legitimizes the institution for half the population and inspires younger generations.

Q5: Could a by-election ever have a female candidate from a major party in the current system?

A: It is possible, but rare and often contingent on exceptional circumstances: a “safe seat” where the party feels no risk, a woman with immense personal wealth and name recognition, or intense public and media pressure forcing the party’s hand. The Ayawaso East case proves that even in a competitive urban seat, the default remains a male candidate, indicating the depth of the structural problem.

Conclusion: Beyond Disappointment, a Call for Systemic Reform

Speaker Alban Bagbin’s public expression of disappointment is more than a personal remark; it is a diagnostic from the apex of Ghana’s legislative branch. The failure to field a female candidate in the Ayawaso East by-election is not an anomaly but a predictable outcome of political systems that have not internalized gender inclusion as a non-negotiable principle. His linkage of this failure to the need for a third political force highlights a profound diagnosis: the current duopoly’s incentives and internal mechanics are incompatible with achieving representative democracy.

The path forward is clear but demanding. It requires moving from symbolic statements to concrete action: parties must voluntarily reform or face legally mandated quotas; the state must create an enabling environment through legislation and funding; and civil society must maintain relentless advocacy. The goal is not merely to see a woman candidate in one by-election, but to dismantle the financial, cultural, and institutional barriers that make her absence the norm. For Ghana to deepen its democratic resilience and build a polity that truly reflects its people, the systematic exclusion of women from the highest corridors of power must end. The Speaker’s voice adds a powerful moral and constitutional weight to this urgent national imperative.

Sources and Further Reading

• Parliament of Ghana. (2025). Official Hansard Report: Discussion on Political Inclusion and Consensus Building. Africa Center for Parliamentary Affairs Forum.
• Electoral Commission of Ghana. (2025). Notice of By-Election: Ayawaso East Constituency.
• Inter-Parliamentary Union. (2024). Women in National Parliaments: World Classification. (Data for Ghana).
• Government of Ghana. (2015). National Gender Policy. Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection.
• Republic of Ghana. (1992). The 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana. Articles 17, 35.
• UN Women. (2023). Handbook on Quantifying Women’s Political Participation.
• Afrobarometer. (2022). Round 9 Survey in Ghana: Democracy and Gender Equality.
• Ghana Center for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana). (Various years). Research Reports on Political Party Financing and Women’s Participation.
• Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). (1979). General