Suame Interchange Project: Why Infrastructure Development Should Not Be a Partisan Issue in Ghana’s Ashanti Region

In a significant political statement that cuts to the heart of Ghana’s development discourse, Francis Asenso-Boakye, former Minister for Roads and Highways and Member of Parliament for Bantama, has declared that the construction of the Suame Interchange in Kumasi by the National Democratic Congress (NDC) will not translate into electoral gains for the opposition party in the Ashanti Region, a stronghold of the New Patriotic Party (NPP). His remarks, made on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen program, frame infrastructure not as a political tool but as a continuous, essential governance function that must transcend party lines for the nation’s economic progress. This article provides a comprehensive, SEO-optimized analysis of his position, exploring the nuances of infrastructure politics, Kumasi’s economic primacy, and the logical separation of developmental projects from electoral calculus.

Introduction: The Politics of Potholes and Promise

Ghana’s political landscape is often characterized by a visible link between government projects and electoral support, particularly in regions considered party bastions. The Ashanti Region, historically a bedrock of NPP support, presents a fascinating case study. When the current NDC government initiates or continues a major infrastructure project like the Suame Interchange in Kumasi—the region’s commercial capital—a natural question arises: Will this concrete development convert NPP voters? According to veteran politician Francis Asenso-Boakye, the answer is a definitive no. His argument rests on a principled stance that governance is a “continuous procedure” and that the citizenry of Kumasi, as major economic actors and taxpayers, deserve functional infrastructure regardless of which party is in power. This introduction sets the stage for a deeper examination of his claims, the historical context of road projects in Kumasi, and the broader implications for how Ghanaians should perceive national development.

Key Points: Deconstructing Asenso-Boakye’s Argument

The former minister’s interview distilled several critical, interconnected points that form the backbone of his analysis:

• Infrastructure is Non-Partisan: Road and highway construction are essential services of state, not gifts from a particular political party. They should be guided by national economic strategy, not short-term electoral gain.
• Historical Precedent: Major road infrastructure in Kumasi, including key arteries and interchanges, was predominantly initiated and executed by past NPP administrations (Kufuor and Akufo-Addo eras), establishing a legacy that voters recognize and remember.
• Kumasi’s Economic Justification: As Ghana’s second-largest city and a primary commercial and industrial hub, Kumasi’s infrastructure needs are justified by its massive contribution to national GDP and tax revenue, not by its voting patterns.
• Voter Rationality: Ashanti voters, particularly in Kumasi, are perceived as sophisticated enough to separate the provision of a public good (a functional road) from partisan loyalty. Their economic interests align with development, not with punishing or rewarding parties for completing basic projects.
• Focus on Economic Marketing: The deployment of infrastructure projects should be framed within the context of “economic marketing and investment” to improve the business environment, rather than as acts of “political originality” or patronage.

Background: The Suame Interchange and Kumasi’s Infrastructure Landscape

The Suame Interchange Project: Scope and Significance

The Suame Interchange is a proposed major road junction improvement project designed to alleviate chronic traffic congestion at the Suame Roundabout in Kumasi. This area is a critical node connecting the city center to industrial zones like Suame Magazine, residential areas, and the Kumasi-Takoradi highway. Chronic gridlock here represents not just a daily nuisance but a significant economic drain, increasing transport costs, fuel consumption, and lost man-hours for businesses and commuters. The project’s planning and potential execution by the current NDC government have placed it at the center of political discourse, with observers questioning its timing and intent.

A Legacy of Road Development: The NPP’s Record in Kumasi

To understand Asenso-Boakye’s confidence, one must review the historical record of road infrastructure in the Ashanti Region under NPP governments:

• Kufuor Era (2001-2009): The administration of President John Agyekum Kufuor oversaw significant upgrades to the Kumasi urban road network. Key projects included the construction of the Kejetia-Abrepo Junction road, improvements to the Adum and Bantama circuits, and the initiation of broader urban drainage and road rehabilitation programs that transformed many arterial routes.
• Akufo-Addo Era (2017-2024): The NPP government led by President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo intensified this focus. Notable projects include the completion of the Kejetia Market redevelopment (which included surrounding road networks), the construction of the Kumasi Inner Ring Road (Phase I & II), and the Kumasi-Takoradi Highway rehabilitation. Asenso-Boakye himself, as Roads Minister, was a key figure in championing and commissioning many of these projects.

This historical footprint creates a strong baseline association in the public mind between NPP governance and tangible road improvements in the region. Voters can recall specific projects completed by a specific party, forming a long-term ledger of performance.

Analysis: Why Partisan Credit-Taking Fails in Kumasi

Asenso-Boakye’s thesis hinges on several socio-political and economic realities that make the simple equation of “project = votes” invalid in the Ashanti context.

1. The Sophistication of the Kumasi Electorate

Kumasi is not a passive recipient of development; it is a bustling metropolis of traders, artisans, industrialists, and professionals. Its residents are deeply engaged in the local economy and are highly aware of national policy. Their voting decisions are influenced by a complex matrix of factors: economic management (jobs, inflation), national security, social services (health, education), and long-term vision. While a pothole-free road is appreciated, it is unlikely to override deeply ingrained partisan identity or core economic grievances. The Ashanti voter’s loyalty to the NPP is historically rooted in cultural alignment, perceived economic philosophy, and legacy, not easily swapped for a single infrastructure project.

2. The “Continuous Procedure” of Governance

Asenso-Boakye’s most potent point is that governance must be viewed as a relay race, not a series of resets. A democratic transition does not mean all ongoing projects must stop. The logical, professional approach is to continue viable public works for the public good, irrespective of which party started them. By framing the NDC’s potential work on the Suame Interchange as part of this continuum, he neutralizes its political potency. If the project is seen as a necessary completion of a long-standing need, the credit is diffused across time and administrations, not monopolized by the incumbent.

3. Kumasi as an Economic Imperative, Not a Political Trophy

The economic data supports this view. Kumasi contributes a substantial portion of the Ashanti Region’s GDP, which itself is a leading contributor to national GDP. The city’s markets (like Kejetia), its manufacturing clusters (Suame Magazine), and its role as a transport nexus generate significant tax revenue for the central government. From a purely technocratic perspective, investing in Kumasi’s infrastructure is an investment in national revenue collection and economic productivity. This justification is apolitical. Asenso-Boakye argues that citizens “pay taxes,” and therefore their infrastructure needs must be met as a duty of state, not as a conditional favor for political support.

4. The Danger of Politicizing Infrastructure

If every road project is seen through a partisan lens, it creates a dangerous cycle: regions that support the ruling party get developed, while others are neglected. This entrenches regional inequalities and fuels ethnic and regional tensions. By rejecting this logic, Asenso-Boakye is advocating for a national, needs-based approach to infrastructure planning. The alternative—where development maps perfectly onto electoral maps—is a recipe for a fractured, unequal nation and poor long-term project planning, as projects are started for political show rather than economic logic.

Practical Advice: For Political Strategists, Citizens, and Journalists

Based on this analysis, here are actionable insights for different stakeholders:

For Political Parties and Campaign Strategists

• Shift the Narrative: Move from “We built this” to “We have a comprehensive, funded plan for Kumasi’s next decade of growth.” Focus on future pipelines of projects, maintenance regimes, and economic impact studies.
• Highlight Legacy, Not Just New Projects: Educate voters on the full historical timeline of major infrastructure. Use before-and-after visuals of projects completed under multiple administrations to show a pattern of regional development, not a party-specific gift.
• Integrate Infrastructure with Broader Policy: Link road projects to job creation (local employment during construction), business growth (reduced transport costs), and improved access to health/education. Frame them as economic enablers within a larger manifesto.

For Citizens and Civil Society

• Demand Continuity and Maintenance: Hold all governments accountable for maintaining existing infrastructure. The true test is not in launching new projects, but in ensuring they are durable and well-maintained long after the commissioning ceremony.
• Scrutinize Project Viability: Ask questions about the cost-benefit analysis, procurement transparency, and long-term economic impact of any project, regardless of who initiates it. Support watchdog groups monitoring infrastructure projects.
• Vote on a Holistic Record: Consider a party’s entire governance record—economic management, corruption, social services—not on a single project in your constituency. A party that builds a road but mismanages the economy will harm you more in the long run.

For Journalists and Media

• Contextualize Projects: When reporting on a new project like the Suame Interchange, always provide historical context: Who initiated the planning? What is the budget? What is the projected completion date and economic impact? Avoid “government gifts” framing.
• Fact-Check Political Claims: Rigorously fact-check statements from all sides about project ownership and legacy. Use archives and official records to trace project origins.
• Promote Technical Discourse: Elevate discussions about engineering standards, project management, and sustainability over purely political posturing. Interview engineers, urban planners, and economists, not just politicians.

FAQ: Addressing Common Questions

Q1: Is Asenso-Boakye simply downplaying a potential NDC victory in Ashanti?

A: Not necessarily. His argument is strategic and philosophical, not merely defensive. He is attempting to redefine the terms of political engagement in his region. By declaring the project ineffective for electoral gain, he aims to: (1) reassure his base that their loyalty is not transactional, (2) depoliticize the issue to prevent the NDC from claiming a “development dividend,” and (3) set a standard that future infrastructure debates should focus on technical and economic merits, not political credit. It’s a preemptive move to control the narrative.

Q2: But don’t voters reward parties that bring visible development?

A: Often, yes, especially in areas with weak partisan identity or where development is starkly absent. However, in a stronghold like the Ashanti Region with deep historical and cultural ties to the NPP, the threshold for switching votes is much higher. A single project, even a major one, is unlikely to break decades of alignment. Voters may appreciate the project but still conclude that the NPP remains the better long-term manager of the economy and national affairs. Reward is more likely for consistent, widespread delivery over multiple terms, not a one-off project by an opposition party.

Q3: Could the NDC still use the project for political messaging even if it doesn’t change votes?

A: Absolutely. The primary goal of such projects for an opposition-turned-incumbent party in an opponent’s stronghold is often to demonstrate capacity and national inclusiveness. The message is: “We govern for all Ghana, not just our supporters.” It’s about reshaping national perception, showcasing maturity, and potentially making inroads in future elections by软化 the regional hardline. While it may not flip the Ashanti Region, it could chip away at the NPP’s margin or improve the NDC’s image nationally.

Q4: What are the legal or constitutional implications of stopping or continuing projects based on political party?

A: Ghana’s 1992 Constitution does not explicitly mandate the continuation of projects across governments. However, the principle of continuity of government is a well-established convention in public administration and project finance. Arbitrarily halting viable, contractually obligated projects can lead to: legal disputes (breach of contract), massive financial losses (wasted mobilization costs, compensation claims), delays in national development, and reputational damage. The Public Procurement Act and financial management regulations also impose duties of prudent management of public funds, which militates against discarding functional projects for political reasons.

Conclusion: Towards a Post-Partisan Infrastructure Agenda

Francis Asenso-Boakye’s statement is more than a political soundbite; it is a call for a mature, nationalistic approach to development. He challenges the simplistic, transactional view of